g in conjunction
with other Powers. Further, if the South should be "acknowledged" Adams
was immediately to suspend his functions. "You will perceive," wrote
Seward, "that we have approached the contemplation of that crisis with
the caution which great reluctance has inspired. But I trust that you
will also have perceived that the crisis has not appalled us[742]."

This serious and definite determination by the North to resent any
intervention by Europe makes evident that Seward and Lincoln were fully
committed to forcible resistance of foreign meddling. Briefly, if the
need arose, the North would go to war with Europe. Adams at least now
knew where he stood and could but await the result. The instruction he
held in reserve, nor was it ever officially communicated to Russell. He
did, however, state its tenor to Forster who had contacts with the
Cabinet through Milner-Gibson and though no proof has been found that
the American determination was communicated to the Ministry, the
presumption is that this occurred[743]. Such communication could not
have taken place before the end of August and possibly was not then made
owing to the fact that the Cabinet was scattered in the long vacation
and that, apparently, the plan to move _soon_ in the American War was as
yet unknown save to Palmerston and to Russell.

Russell's letter to Palmerston of August 6, sets the date of their
determination[744]. Meanwhile they were depending much upon advices from
Washington for the exact moment. Stuart was suggesting, with Mercier,
that October should be selected[745], and continued his urgings even
though his immediate chief, Lyons, was writing to him from London strong
personal objections to any European intervention whatever and especially
any by Great Britain[746]. Lyons explained his objections to Russell as
well, but Stuart, having gone to the extent of consulting also with
Stoeckl, the Russian Minister at Washington, was now in favour of
straight-out recognition of the Confederacy as the better measure. This,
thought Stoeckl, was less likely to bring on war with the North than an
attempt at mediation[747]. Soon Stuart was able to give notice, a full
month in advance of the event, of Lincoln's plan to issue an
emancipation proclamation, postponed temporarily on the insistence of
Seward[748], but he attached no importance to this, regarding it as at
best a measure of pretence intended to frighten the South and to
influence foreign gover