emorandum on the American
question, which I have read with great satisfaction. Johnny
[Russell] always loves to do something when to do nothing is
prudent, and I have no doubt that he hoped to get support in
his meddling proclivities when he called a Cabinet for
yesterday; but its postponement _sine die_ is probably due to
your memorandum. You have made so clear the idiotic position
we should occupy, either in having presented our face
gratuitously to the Yankee slap we should receive, or in
being asked what practical solution we had to propose after
an armistice had been agreed to at our suggestion, that no
discussion on the subject would have been possible, and the
Foreign Secretary probably thought it would be pleasanter to
draw in his horns at Woburn than in Downing Street[805]."

On October 26, having received from Lewis a copy of Russell's
newly-circulated paper, Clarendon wrote again:

"The Foreign Secretary's _blatt_ exhibits considerable
soreness, for which you are specially bound to make
allowance, as it was you who procured abortion for him. He
had thought to make a great deal of his colt by Meddler out
of Vanity, and you have shown his backers that the animal was
not fit to start and would not run a yard if he did. He is
therefore taken back to the country, where he must have a
deal more training before he can appear in public again."

* * * * *

"I should say that your speech at Hereford was nearly as
effective in checking the alarm and speculation caused by
Gladstone's speech, as your memorandum was in smashing the
Foreign Secretary's proposed intervention, and that you did
so without in the smallest degree committing either the
Government or yourself with respect to the future[806]."

In effect Clarendon was advising Lewis to pay no attention to Russell's
complaining rejoinder since the object desired had been secured, but
there was still one element of strength for Russell and Gladstone which,
if obtained, might easily cause a re-opening of the whole question.
This was the desire of France, still unexpressed in spite of indirect
overtures, a silence in part responsible for the expression of an
opinion by Palmerston that Napoleon's words could not be depended upon
as an indication of what he intended to do[807]. On the day this was
wri