but in
just what manner the military prowess of the North was to be increased
was not at first indicated. In 1864, Lincoln declared that after the
failure of successive efforts to persuade the border states to accept
compensated emancipation he had believed there had arrived the
"indispensable necessity for military emancipation and arming the
blacks[874]." Repeatedly in later defence of the proclamation he urged
the benefits that had come from his act and asserted that commanders in
the field "believe the emancipation policy and the use of coloured
troops constitute the heaviest blow yet dealt to the rebellion[875]." He
added: "negroes, like other people, act upon motives. Why should they do
anything for us, if we will do nothing for them? If they stake their
lives for us, they must be prompted by the strongest motive, even the
promise of freedom."
There is no note here of stirring a servile insurrection; nor did
Lincoln ever acknowledge that such a purpose had been in his mind,
though the thought of such possible result must have been present--was,
indeed, present to most minds even without a proclamation of
emancipation. Lincoln's alleged purpose was simply to draw away slaves,
wherever possible, from their rebellious masters, thus reducing the
economic powers of resistance of the South, and then to make these
ex-slaves directly useful in winning the war. But after the war, even
here and there during it, a theory was advanced that an impelling motive
with the President had been the hope of influencing favourably foreign
governments and peoples by stamping the Northern cause with a high moral
purpose. In popular opinion, Lincoln came to be regarded as a
far-visioned statesman in anticipating that which ultimately came to
pass. This has important bearing on the relations of the United States
and Great Britain.
There is no doubt that nearly every Northern American had believed in
1860, that anti-slavery England would sympathize strongly with the
North. The event did not prove this to be the case, nor could the North
justly complain in the face of administration denials of an anti-slavery
purpose. The English Government therefore was widely upheld by British
opinion in regarding the struggle from the point of view of British
interests. Yet any Northern step antagonistic to the institution of
slavery compelled British governmental consideration. As early as
December, 1860, before the war began, Bunch, at Charleston,
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