ation that ensued the old
result was reached that Adams declared Great Britain negligent in
performance of neutral duty, while Russell professed eagerness to stop
Southern shipbuilding if full evidence was "forthcoming." Adams
concluded that "he had worked to the best of his power for peace, but it
had become a most difficult task." Upon this Russell commented to Lyons,
"Mr. Adams fully deserves the character of having always laboured for
peace between our two Nations. Nor I trust will his efforts, and those
of the two Governments fail of success[988]."

In these last days of March matters were in fact rapidly drawing to a
head both in America and England. At Washington, from March seventh to
the thirty-first, the question of issuing letters of marque and reprisal
had been prominently before the Cabinet and even Welles who had opposed
them was affected by unfavourable reports received from Adams as to the
intentions of Great Britain. The final decision was to wait later news
from England[989]. This was Seward's idea as he had not as yet received
reports of the British reaction to his communications through Lyons and
Adams. March 27 was the critical day of decision in London, as it was
also the day upon which public and parliamentary opinion was most
vigorously debated in regard to Great Britain's neutral duty. Preceding
this other factors of influence were coming to the front. In the first
days of March, Slidell, at Paris, had received semi-official assurances
that if the South wished to build ships in French yards "we should be
permitted to arm and equip them and proceed to sea[990]." This
suggestion was permitted to percolate in England with the intention, no
doubt, of strengthening Bullock's position there. In the winter of
1862-3, orders had been sent to the Russian Baltic fleet to cruise in
western waters and there was first a suspicion in America, later a
conviction, that the purpose of this cruise was distinctly friendly to
the North--that the orders might even extend to actual naval aid in case
war should arise with England and France. In March, 1863, this
was but vague rumour, by midsummer it was a confident hope, by
September-October, when Russian fleets had entered the harbours of New
York and San Francisco, the rumour had become a conviction and the
silence of Russian naval officers when banqueted and toasted was
regarded as discreet confirmation. There was no truth in the rumour, but
already in March curiou