ations of these few voices were regarded as expressive of a
wish rather than as consistent with the facts. The moral uplift of an
anti-slavery object was denied to the North.

This being so did Lincoln seek to correct the foreign view by the
emancipation proclamation? There is some, but scant ground for so
believing. It is true that this aspect had at various times, though
rarely, been presented to the President. Carl Schurz, American Minister
at Madrid, wrote to Seward as early as September 14, 1861, strongly
urging the declaration of an anti-slavery purpose in the war and
asserting that public opinion in Europe would then be such in favour of
the North that no government would "dare to place itself, by declaration
or act, upon the side of a universally condemned institution[888]."
There is no evidence that Seward showed this despatch to Lincoln, but in
January, 1862, Schurz returned to America and in conversation with the
President urged the "moral issue" to prevent foreign intervention. The
President replied: "You may be right. Probably you are. I have been
thinking so myself. I cannot imagine that any European power would dare
to recognize and aid the Southern Confederacy if it became clear that
the Confederacy stands for slavery and the Union for freedom[889]." No
doubt others urged upon him the same view. Indeed, one sincere foreign
friend, Count Gasparin, who had early written in favour of the
North[890], and whose opinions were widely read, produced a second work
in the spring of 1862, in which the main theme was "slavery the issue."
The author believed emancipation inevitable and urged an instant
proclamation of Northern _intention_ to free the slaves[891].
Presumably, Lincoln was familiar with this work. Meanwhile Sumner
pressed the same idea though adding the prevalent abolition arguments
which did not, necessarily, involve thought of foreign effect. On the
general question of emancipation Lincoln listened, even telling Sumner
that he "was ahead of himself only a month or six weeks[892]."

Yet after the enactment of the "confiscation bill" in July, 1862, when
strong abolitionist pressure was brought on the President to issue a
general proclamation of emancipation, he reasserted in the famous reply
to Greeley, August 22, 1862, his one single purpose to restore the Union
"with or without slavery."

"If there be those who would not save the Union unless they
could at the same time save slavery, I do