enate was opposed and the matter was permitted to lapse, but
without definite action, so that it could at any time be called up
again[979]. Six months later the progress of construction and the
purpose of the rams at Liverpool were common knowledge. On January 7,
1863, the privateering bill again came before the Senate, was referred
to the committee on naval affairs, reported out, and on February 17 was
passed and sent to the House of Representatives, where on March 2 it was
given a third reading and passed without debate[980]. In the Senate,
Grimes now clearly stated that the Bill was needed because the
Confederates "are now building in England a fleet of vessels designed to
break our blockade of their coast," and that the privateers were to
"assist in maintaining blockades." There was no thorough debate but a
few perfunctory objections were raised to placing so great a power in
the hands of the President, while Sumner alone appears as a consistent
opponent arguing that the issue of privateers would be dangerous to the
North since it might lead to an unwarranted interference with neutral
commerce. No speaker outlined the exact method by which privateers were
to be used in "maintaining blockades"; the bill was passed as an
"administration measure."
Coincidently, but as yet unknown in Washington, the chagrin of Russell
at the escape of the _Alabama_ had somewhat lost its edge. At first he
had been impressed with the necessity of amending the Foreign Enlistment
Act so as to prevent similar offences and had gained the approval of the
law officers of the Crown. Russell had even offered to take up with
America an agreement by which both countries were to amend their
neutrality laws at the same moment. This was in December, 1862, but now
on February 14, 1863, he wrote to Lyons that the project of amendment
had been abandoned as the Cabinet saw no way of improving the law[981].
While this letter to Lyons was on its way to America, a letter from
Seward was _en route_, explaining to Adams the meaning of the
privateering bill.
"The Senate has prepared a Bill which confers upon the President of the
United States the power to grant letters of marque and reprisal in any
war in which the country may at any time be engaged, and it is expected
that the Bill will become a law. Lord Lyons suggests that the
transaction may possibly be misapprehended abroad, if it come upon
foreign powers suddenly and without any explanations. You will
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