wn to posterity, and
is it ultimately to be classed among that catalogue of
monsters, the wholesale assassins and butchers of their kind?

"... We will attempt at present to predict nothing as to
what the consequence of Mr. Lincoln's new policy may be,
except that it certainly will not have the effect of
restoring the Union. It will not deprive Mr. Lincoln of the
distinctive affix which he will share with many, for the most
part foolish and incompetent, Kings and Emperors, Caliphs and
Doges, that of being LINCOLN--'the Last.'"

The _Times_ led the way; other papers followed on. The _Liverpool Post_
thought a slave rising inevitable[927], as did also nearly every paper
acknowledging anti-Northern sentiments, or professedly neutral, while
even pro-Northern journals at first feared the same results[928].
Another striking phrase, "Brutum Fulmen," ran through many editorials.
The _Edinburgh Review_ talked of Lincoln's "cry of despair[929]," which
was little different from Seward's feared "last shriek." _Blackwood's_
thought the proclamation "monstrous, reckless, devilish." It "justifies
the South in raising the black flag, and proclaiming a war without
quarter[930]." But there is no need to expand the citation of the
well-nigh universal British press pouring out of the wrath of heaven
upon Lincoln, and his emancipation proclamation[931].

Even though there can be no doubt that the bulk of England at first
expected servile war to follow the proclamation it is apparent that here
and there a part of this British wrath was due to a fear that, in spite
of denials of such influence, the proclamation was intended to arouse
public opinion against projects of intervention and _might so arouse
it_. The New York correspondent of the _Times_ wrote that it was
"promulgated evidently as a sop to keep England and France quiet[932],"
and on October 9, an editorial asserted that Lincoln had "a very
important object. There is a presentiment in the North that recognition
cannot be delayed, and this proclamation is aimed, not at the negro or
the South, but at Europe." _Bell's Weekly Messenger_ believed that it
was now "the imperative duty of England and France to do what they can
in order to prevent the possible occurrence of a crime which, if carried
out, would surpass in atrocity any similar horror the world has ever
seen[933]." "Historicus," on the other hand, asked: "What is that
solution of t