cceptance by North and
South in their then frame of mind and Russell himself believed them
certain to be refused by the North in any case. But he was eager to
present the question for Cabinet discussion hoping for a reversal of the
previous decision. Whether from pique or from conviction of the wisdom
of a change in British policy, he proposed to press for acceptance of
the French plan, with modifications. The news of Napoleon's offer and of
Russell's attitude, with some uncertainty as to that of Palmerston,
again brought Lewis into action and on November 7 he circulated another
memorandum, this time a very long one of some fifteen thousand words.
This was in the main an historical resume of past British policy in
relation to revolted peoples, stating the international law of such
cases, and pointing out that Great Britain had never recognized a
revolted people so long as a _bona fide_ struggle was still going on.
Peace was no doubt greatly to be desired. "If England could, by
legitimate means, and without unduly sacrificing or imperilling her own
interests, accelerate this consummation, she would, in my opinion, earn
the just gratitude of the civilized world." But the question, as he had
previously asserted, was full of grave dangers. The very suggestion of a
concert of Powers was itself one to be avoided. "A conference of the
five great Powers is an imposing force, but it is a dangerous body to
set in motion. A single intervening Power may possibly contrive to
satisfy both the adverse parties; but five intervening Powers have first
to satisfy one another." Who could tell what divergence might arise on
the question of slavery, or on boundaries, or how far England might
find her ideals or her vital interests compromised[815]?

Here was vigorous resistance to Russell, especially effective for its
appeal to past British policy, and to correct practice in international
law. On the same day that Lewis' memorandum was circulated, there
appeared a communication in the _Times_ by "Historicus," on "The
International Doctrine of Recognition," outlining in briefer form
exactly those international law arguments presented by Lewis, and
advocating a continuation of the policy of strict neutrality.
"Historicus" was William Vernon Harcourt, husband of Lewis' stepdaughter
who was also the niece of Clarendon. Evidently the family guns were all
trained on Russell[816]. "Historicus" drove home the fact that premature
action by a neutral w