iod in the entire course of
British attitude toward the Civil War. Here, and here only, Great
Britain voluntarily approached the danger of becoming involved in the
American conflict[739].

Among the few who thought the withdrawal of Lindsay's motion, July 18,
and the Prime Minister's comments did _not_ indicate safety for the
North stood Adams, the American Minister. Of Palmerston's speech he
wrote the next day in his diary: "It was cautious and wise, but enough
could be gathered from it to show that mischief to us in some shape will
only be averted by the favour of Divine Providence or our own efforts.
The anxiety attending my responsibility is only postponed[740]." At this
very moment Adams was much disturbed by his failure to secure
governmental seizure of a war vessel being built at Liverpool for the
South--the famous _Alabama_--which was soon completed and put to sea but
ten days later, July 29. Russell's delay in enforcing British
neutrality, as Adams saw it, in this matter, reinforcing the latter's
fears of a change in policy, had led him to explain his alarm to Seward.
On August 16 Adams received an instruction, written August 2, outlining
the exact steps to be taken in case the feared change in British policy
should occur. As printed in the diplomatic documents later presented to
Congress this despatch is merely a very interesting if somewhat
discursive essay on the inevitability of European ruminations on the
possibility of interference to end the war and argues the unwisdom of
such interference, especially for Great Britain's own interests. It does
not read as if Seward were alarmed or, indeed, as if he had given
serious consideration to the supposed danger[741]. But this conveys a
very erroneous impression. An unprinted portion of the despatch very
specifically and in a very serious tone, instructs Adams that if
approached by the British Government with propositions implying
a purpose:

"To dictate, or to mediate, or to advise, or even to solicit
or persuade, you will answer that you are forbidden to
debate, to hear, or in any way receive, entertain or
transmit, any communication of the kind.... If you are asked
an opinion what reception the President would give to such a
proposition, if made here, you will reply that you are not
instructed, but you have no reason for supposing that it
would be entertained."

This was to apply either to Great Britain alone or actin