ation it ought to be trusted in
foreign affairs and not have its hands tied by parliamentary expressions
of opinion at inopportune moments. Finally, the South had not yet
securely established its independence and hence could not be recognized.
This motion, if carried, would place England on a definite side and thus
be fatal to any hope of successful mediation or intervention in the
future. Having now made clear the policy of the Government Palmerston
did not insist upon a division and the motion was withdrawn[705].

On the surface Lindsay's effort of July 18 had resulted in ignominious
failure. Lyons called it "ill-timed.... I do not think we know here
sufficiently the extent of the disaster [to McClellan] to be able to
come to any conclusion as to what the European Powers should do." But
the impression left by the debate that there was a strong parliamentary
opinion in favour of mediation made Lyons add: "I suppose Mercier will
open full cry on the scent, and be all for mediation. I am still afraid
of any attempt of the kind[706]." Very much the same opinion was held by
Henry Adams who wrote, "the pinch has again passed by for the moment and
we breathe more freely. But I think I wrote to you some time ago that if
July found us still in Virginia, we could no longer escape interference.
I think now that it is inevitable." A definite stand taken by the North
on slavery would bring "the greatest strength in this running
battle[707]."

In spite of surface appearances that the debate was "ill-timed" the
"pinch" was not in fact passed as the activities of Slidell and Mason
and their friends soon indicated. For a fortnight the Cabinet, reacting
to the repeated suggestions of Napoleon, the Northern defeats, and the
distress in Lancashire, was seriously considering the possibility of
taking some step toward mediation. On July 16, two days before the
debate in the Commons, Slidell at last had his first personal contact
with Napoleon, and came away from the interview with the conviction that
"if England long persists in her inaction he [Napoleon] would be
disposed to act without her." This was communicated to Mason on July
20[708], but Slidell did _not_ as yet see fit to reveal to Mason that in
the interview with Napoleon he had made a definite push for separate
action by France, offering inducements on cotton, a special commercial
treaty, and "alliances, defensive, and offensive, for Mexican affairs,"
this last without any autho