Debates of Congress, 466-467.

[341] S. Doc. 56, 54th Cong., 2d sess., (1897).

[342] The Federalist, containing the Letters of Pacificus and Helvidius
(New ed., 1852) 444; _see also_ p. 493, n. 1. [Transcriber's Note:
Reference is to Footnote 344, below.]

[343] The Federalist No. 69, where he wrote: "The president is also to
be authorized to receive ambassadors, and other public ministers. This,
though it has been a rich theme of declamation, is more a matter of
dignity than of authority. It is a circumstance which will be without
consequence in the administration of the government; and it was far more
convenient that it should be arranged in this manner, than that there
should be a necessity of convening the legislature, or one of its
branches, upon every arrival of a foreign minister; though it were
merely to take the place of a departed predecessor." Ibid. 518.

[344] "Letters of Pacificus," 7 Works (Hamilton ed.) 76, 82-83.

[345] Moore, International Law Digest, IV, 680-681.

[346] The Federalist containing the Letters of Pacificus and Helvidius
(New ed. 1852) 445-446.

[347] Moore, International Law Digest, I, 243-244. The course of the
Monroe Administration in inviting the cooperation of Congress in
connection with recognition of the Spanish-American Republics, although
it was prompted mainly by the consideration that war with Spain might
result, was nonetheless opposed by Secretary of State John Quincy Adams.
"Instead," said he, "of admitting the Senate or House of Representatives
to any share in the act of recognition, I would expressly avoid that
form of doing it which would require the concurrence of those bodies. It
was I had no doubt, by our Constitution an act of the Executive
authority. General Washington had exercised it in recognizing the French
Republic by the reception of Mr. Genet. Mr. Madison had exercised it by
declining several years to receive, and by finally receiving, Mr. Onis;
and in this instance I thought the Executive ought carefully to preserve
entire the authority given him by the Constitution, and not weaken it by
setting the precedent of making either House of Congress a party to an
act which it was his exclusive right and duty to perform. Mr. Crawford
said he did not think there was anything in the objection to sending a
minister on the score of national dignity, and that there was a
difference between the recognition of a change of government in a nation
already acknowledged