the "Union of these States is
the supreme as it is the organic law of this country," and must be
maintained.

This adventure to Richmond by the Minister of Bremen may be regarded as
Seward's last struggle to carry out his long-pursued policy of
conciliatory delay. He had not officially sent Schleiden to Richmond,
but he had grasped eagerly at the opening and had encouraged and aided
Schleiden in his journey. Now, by April 27, hope had vanished, and
Seward's "domestic policy," as set forth in his "Thoughts for the
President's Consideration" on April 1, was discredited, and inevitably,
in some measure, their author also. The dates are important in
appreciating Seward's purposes. On April 27, the day of Schleiden's
return to Washington, there was sent to Adams that "sharp" despatch,
taking issue with British action as foreshadowed by Dallas on April 9,
and concluding by instructing Adams to lose no time in warning Russell
that such action would be regarded by the United States as "injurious to
its rights and derogating from its dignity[205]." It appears, therefore,
that Seward, defeated on one line of "policy," eager to regain prestige,
and still obsessed with the idea that some means could yet be found to
avert domestic conflict, was, on April 27, beginning to pick at those
threads which, to his excited thought, might yet save the Union through
a foreign war. He was now seeking to force the acceptance of the second,
and alternative, portion of his "Thoughts for the President."

Seward's theory of the cementing effect of a foreign war was no secret
at Washington. As early as January 26 he had unfolded to Schleiden this
fantastic plan. "If the Lord would only give the United States an excuse
for a war with England, France, or Spain," he said "that would be the
best means of re-establishing internal peace[206]." Again, on February
10, he conversed with Schleiden on the same topic, and complained that
there was no foreign complication offering an excuse for a break. Lyons
knew of this attitude, and by February 4 had sent Russell a warning, to
which the latter had replied on February 20 that England could afford to
be patient for a time but that too much "blustering demonstration" must
not be indulged in. But the new administration, as Lincoln had remarked
in his reply to Seward on April 1, had taken quite another line,
addressing foreign powers in terms of high regard for established
friendly relations. This was the tone of