half-pledge to the North and a
half-threat to the South to secure from both belligerents a
renunciation of privateering. In short he was not yet fully convinced of
the wisdom of the French limitation. Moreover he believed that Thouvenel
might yet be won to his own opinion, for in an unprinted portion of this
same private letter to Lyons of May 18 Russell wrote:

"I have further to state to you, with reference to my
despatch of this day that H.M. Govt. were in the first
instance inclined to propose to both of the contending
parties to adopt the first clause of the Declaration of
Paris, by which privateering is renounced. But after
communication with the French Govt. it appeared best to limit
our propositions in the manner explained in my despatch.

"I understand however from Lord Cowley that, although M.
Mercier is not absolutely instructed to advert to the
abolition of privateering, yet that some latitude of action
is left to him on that point should he deem it advisable to
exercise it[288]."

Lyons and Mercier saw more clearly than did Russell what was in Seward's
mind. Lyons had been instructed in the despatch just cited to use his
own discretion as to joint action with the French Minister so long only
as the two countries took the same stand. He was to pursue whatever
method seemed most "conciliatory." His first private comment on
receiving Russell's instruction was, "Mr. Seward will be furious when he
finds that his adherence to the Declaration of Paris will not stop the
Southern privateering[289]," and in an official confidential despatch of
the same day, June 4, he gave Russell clear warning of what Seward
expected from his overture through Adams[290]. So delicate did the
matter appear to Lyons and Mercier that they agreed to keep quiet for a
time at least about their instructions, hoping to be relieved by the
transfer of the whole matter to London and Paris[291]. But in London
Russell was at this moment taking up again his favoured purpose. On June
6 he wrote to Grey (temporarily replacing Cowley at Paris) that he
understood a communication had been made in Paris, as in London, for an
American adherence to the Declaration of Paris; "... it may open the way
to the abolition of Privateering all over the world. But ... we ought
not to use any menace to the Confederate States with a view of obtaining
this desirable object[292]." Evidently, in his opinion