onal law of the case and decide that Great Britain could have
no cause of complaint[438]. Meanwhile at Washington itself there was
evidenced almost equal excitement and approval--but not, fortunately, by
the Department responsible for the conduct of foreign relations.
Secretary of the Navy Welles congratulated Wilkes on his "great public
service," though criticizing him for not having brought the _Trent_ into
port for adjudication. Congress passed a joint resolution, December 2,
thanking Wilkes for his conduct, and the President was requested to give
him a gold medal commemorative of his act. Indeed, no evidence of
approbation was withheld save the formal approval and avowal of national
responsibility by the Secretary of State, Seward. On him, therefore, and
on the wisdom of men high in the confidence of the Cabinet, like Sumner,
Lyons pinned his faint hope of a peaceful solution. Thoroughly alarmed
and despondent, anxious as to the possible fate of Canada[439], he
advised against any public preparations in Canada for defence, on the
ground that if the _Trent_ affair did blow over it should not appear
that we ever thought it an insult which would endanger peace[440]. This
was very different from the action and attitude of the Government at
home, as yet unknown to Lyons. He wisely waited in silence, advising
like caution to others, until the receipt of instructions. Silence, at
the moment, was also a friendly service to the United States.

The earliest American reactions, the national rejoicing, became known to
the British press some six days after its own spasm of anger, and three
days after the Government had despatched its demand for release of the
prisoners and begun its hurried military preparations. On December 3 the
_Times_ contained the first summary of American press outpourings. The
first effect in England was astonishment, followed by renewed and more
intense evidences of a belligerent disposition. Soon, however, there
began to appear a note of caution and more sane judgment of the
situation, though with no lessening of the assertion that Britain had
suffered an injury that must be redressed. The American frenzy of
delight seemingly indicated a deep-seated hostility to Britain that gave
pause to British clamour for revenge. On December 4 John Bright made a
great speech at Rochdale, arguing a possible British precedent for
Wilkes' act, urging caution, lauding American leadership in democracy,
and stating his pos