st in this case
nothing of the kind had been intended[467]." Everyone wondered at and
was vexed with the delay of an answer from America, yet hopefully
believed that this indicated ultimate yielding. There could be no
surety until the event. Russell wrote to Palmerston on January 7, "I
still incline to think Lincoln will submit, but not until the clock is
59 minutes past 11. If it is war, I fear we must summon Parliament
forthwith[468]."

The last moment for reply was indeed very nearly taken advantage of at
Washington, but not to the full seven days permitted for consideration
by Russell's November thirtieth instructions to Lyons. These were
received on December 18, and on the next day Lyons unofficially
acquainted Seward with their nature[469]. The latter expressed
gratification with the "friendly and conciliatory manner" of Lyons and
asked for two days' time for consideration. On Saturday, December 21,
therefore, Lyons again appeared to make a formal presentation of demands
but was met with a statement that the press of other business had
prevented sufficient consideration and was asked for a further two days'
postponement until Monday. Hence December 23 became the day from which
the seven days permitted for consideration and reply dated. In the
meantime, Mercier, on December 21, had told Seward of the strong support
given by France to the British position.

The month that had elapsed since the American outburst on first learning
of Wilkes' act had given time for a cooling of patriotic fever and for a
saner judgment. Henry Adams in London had written to his brother that if
the prisoners were not given up, "this nation means to make war." To
this the brother in America replied "this nation doesn't[470]," an
answer that sums up public determination no matter how loud the talk or
deep the feeling. Seward understood the change and had now received
strong warnings from Adams and Weed in London, and from Dayton in
Paris[471], but these were not needed to convince him that America must
yield. Apparently, he had recognized from the first that America was in
an impossible situation and that the prisoners must be released _if the
demand were made_. The comment of those who were "wise after the event"
was that true policy would have dictated an immediate release of the
prisoners as seized in violation of international law, before any
complaint could be received from Great Britain. This leaves out of
consideration the politica