f which was to be
handed to Seward, but the next day authorized Lyons to exercise
discretion as to communicating the despatch[517].
The original form of this instruction, dated in June and revised in
July, concluded with language that might well draw out Thouvenel's
objection to a threat of "reprisals." It read that "H.M.G. ...
reserve ... the right of acting in concert with other Nations in
opposition to so violent an attack on the rights of Commercial Countries
and so manifest a violation of International Law[518]." This high tone
had been modified possibly by French opposition, possibly by Lyons'
early opinion that the Bill would not be made operative. Indeed on July
24 Russell told Lyons that no final instruction of protest would be sent
him until the President actually issued a proclamation[519]. Yet in
spite of being fairly well assured that there was no danger in the
"Southern Ports Bill," Russell did send the instruction of August 8,
still distinctly "vigorous" in tone, though with no threat of
"reprisals." His reason for doing so is difficult to understand.
Certainly he was hardly serious in arguing to Thouvenel that a stiff
instruction would strengthen the hands of the "moderate section" of the
American Cabinet[520], or else he strangely misjudged American
temperament. Probably a greater reason was his wish to be able to print
a Parliamentary Paper indicating the watchful care he was exercising in
guarding British interests.
Before Russell's instruction could reach America Seward had voluntarily
reassured Lyons as to American intentions. Lyons reported this,
privately, on July 20[521], but on the same day also reported,
officially, that two days earlier, that is on the eighteenth, he and
Mercier had discussed the "Southern Ports" Bill and that as a result
Mercier had then gone, that same day, to Seward to state that France
must regard such a measure as merely a paper blockade[522]. "We were not
very sanguine of success," wrote Lyons, but Seward "had listened to him
[Mercier] with calmness," and personally seemed disinclined to issue the
required Proclamation. This despatch, making it appear that England and
France were in close harmony and that Lyons and Mercier were having a
difficult time at Washington was printed, later, in the Parliamentary
Papers. It was received by Russell on August 5, and in spite of the
reassurances of Lyons' private letter (naturally not for printing)
presumably received in the sa
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