on of Paris was tendered "as the act of this
Federal Government, to be obligatory equally upon disloyal as upon loyal
citizens." "It did not," writes Bancroft, "require the gift of prophecy
to tell what would result in case the offer of accession on the part of
the United States should be accepted[260]."
Seward's object was to place the European nations in a position where
they, as well as the United States, would be forced to regard Southern
privateers as pirates, and treat them as such. This was a conceivable
result of the negotiation before European recognition of Southern
belligerency, but even after that recognition and after Dayton had
pointed out the impossibility of such a result, Seward pressed for the
treaty and instructed Dayton not to raise the question with France. He
still had in mind this main object. "If Seward," says Bancroft, "had not
intended to use the adherence of the United States to the declaration as
a lever to force the other Powers to treat the Confederates as pirates,
or at least to cease regarding them as belligerents, he might easily and
unofficially have removed all such suspicions[261]." In an interview
with Lyons on July 6 Seward urged a quick conclusion of the treaty,
arguing that its effect upon the revolted states could be determined
afterwards. Naturally Lyons was alarmed and gave warning to Russell.
"Probably it was this advice that caused Russell to insist on the
explanatory declaration[262]."
It would appear, then, that Seward much underestimated the acuteness of
Russell and Thouvenel, and expected them "to walk into a trap." Nor
could his claim "that there was no difference between a nation entirely
at peace and one in circumstances like those of the United States at
this time" be taken seriously. "He was furnishing his opponent with
evidences of his lack of candour." This clouded the effect that would
have followed "a wise and generous policy toward neutrals, which had
doubtless been in Seward's mind from the beginning[263]." In the end he
concluded the negotiation gracefully, writing to Adams a pledge of
American respect for the second and third articles of the Declaration of
Paris--exactly that which Lyons had originally been instructed by
Russell to secure.
"We regard Great Britain as a friend. Her Majesty's flag,
according to our traditional principles, covers enemy's goods
not contraband of war. Goods of Her Majesty's subjects, not
contraband of war
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