of mankind, and in the usual and primary acceptation of the
word."

It is easy to see, that there is no difficulty in reconciling liberty, in
such a sense, with the most absolute scheme of necessity or fatalism the
world has ever seen. Let a man come by his volition ANY HOW; let it be
produced in him by the direct and almighty power of God himself; yet, "he
is perfectly free," provided there is no external co-action to prevent his
volition from producing its natural effects!

President Day is not pleased with the definition contained in the
"Inquiry;" and in this particular we think he has discovered a superior
sagacity to Edwards. But his extreme anxiety to save the credit of his
author has betrayed him, it seems to us, into an apology which will not
bear a close examination. "On the subject of liberty or freedom," says he,
"which occupies a portion of the fifth section of Edwards's first book, he
has been less particular than was to be expected, considering that this is
the great object of inquiry in his work. His explanation of what he
regards as the proper meaning of the term is applicable to the liberty of
outward _action_, to what is called by philosophers _external_ liberty."
"This is very well as far as it goes. But the professed object of his
book, according to the title-page, is an inquiry concerning the freedom of
the will, not the freedom of the external conduct. We naturally look for
his meaning of this internal liberty. What he has said, in this section,
respecting freedom of the will, has rather the appearance of evading such
a definition of it as might be considered his own."(26) Now, is it
possible that President Edwards has instituted an inquiry into the freedom
of the will, and written a great book in defence of it, and yet has evaded
giving his own definition of it? If so, then he may have demolished the
views of others on this subject, but he has certainly not established his
own in their stead; and hence, for aught we know, he really did not
believe in the freedom of the will at all; and, for all his work shows,
there may be no such freedom. For how is it possible for any man to
establish his views of the freedom of the will, if he is not at sufficient
pains to explain his meaning of the terms, and forbears even to give his
own definition of them?

But the truth is, the author of the "Inquiry" has placed it beyond all
controversy, that he has been guilty of no such omission or evasion. He
has lef