t no room to doubt that the definition of liberty, which he says is
in conformity "with the common notion of mankind," is his own. He always
uses this definition when he undertakes to repel objections against his
scheme of necessity. "It is evident," he says, "that such a providential
disposing and determining of men's moral actions, though it infers a moral
necessity of those actions, _yet it does not in the least infringe the
real liberty of mankind, the only liberty that common sense teaches to be
necessary to moral agency, which_, AS HAS BEEN DEMONSTRATED, is not
inconsistent with such necessity."(27) He defines liberty in the very
words of Collins and Hobbes, to mean the power or opportunity any one has
"to do as he pleases;" or, in other words, to do "as he _wills_."(28) This
definition, he says, is according to the primary and common notion of
mankind; and now he declares, that "this is the only liberty common sense
teaches is necessary to moral agency." It is very strange that any one
should have read the great work of President Edwards without perceiving
that this is the sense in which he always uses the term when he undertakes
to repel the attacks of his adversaries. To select only one instance out
of many, he says, "If the Stoics held such a fate as is repugnant to any
liberty, consisting in our doing as we please, I utterly deny such a fate.
If they held any such fate as is not consistent with the common and
universal notions that mankind have of liberty, activity, moral agency,
virtue, and vice, I disclaim any such thing, and think I have demonstrated
the scheme I maintain is no such scheme."(29) Thus he always has recourse
to this definition of liberty, consisting in the power or opportunity any
one has "to do as he pleases," or, in other words, "as he wills," whenever
he attempts to reconcile his doctrine with the moral agency and
accountability of man, or to vindicate it against the attacks of his
opponents. We must suppose then, that Edwards has given his own definition
of liberty in the Inquiry, or we must conclude that he defended his system
by the use of an idea of liberty which he did not believe to be correct;
that when he alleged that he "had demonstrated" his doctrine to be
consistent with free-agency, he only meant with a false and atheistical
notion of free-agency.

We are not surprised that President Day does not like this definition of
liberty; but we are somewhat surprised, we confess, that su