.

p. 60: Needham does not have such a positive attitude towards Tsou Yen,
and regards Western influences upon Tsou Yen as not too likely. The
discussion on pp. 60-1 follows mainly my own researches.

p. 61: The interpretation of secret societies is influenced by general
sociological theory and detailed reports on later secret societies. S.
Murayama and most modern Chinese scholars stress almost solely the
social element in the so-called "peasant rebellions".

_Chapter Five_

p. 63: The analysis of the emergence of Ch'in bureaucracy has profitted
from general sociological theory, especially M. Weber (see the new
analysis by R. Bendix, _Max Weber, an Intellectual Portrait_, Garden
City 1960, p. 117-157). Early administration systems of this type in
China have been studied in several articles in the journal _Yue-kung_
(vol. 6 and 7).

p. 65: In the discussion of language, I use arguments which have been
brought forth by P. Serruys against the previously generally accepted
theories of B. Karlgren.--For weights and measures I have referred to T.
Sekino, Liu Fu and Wu Ch'eng-lo.

p. 66: For this period, D. Bodde's _China's First Unifier_, Leiden 1938
and his _Statesman, Patriot, and General in Ancient China_, New Haven
1940 remain valuable studies.

_Chapter Six_

p. 71: The basic historical text for this whole period, the _Dynastic
History of the Han Dynasty_, is now in part available in English
translation (H. H. Dubs, _The History of the Former Han Dynasty_,
Baltimore 1938, 3 volumes).

p. 72: The description of the gentry is based upon my own research.
Other scholars define the word "gentry", if applied to China,
differently (some of the relevant studies are discussed in my note in
the _Bull. School of Orient. & African Studies_, 1955, p. 373 f.).

p. 73: The theory of the cycle of mobility has been brought forth by Fr.
L. K. Hsu and others. I have based my criticism upon a forthcoming study
of _Social Mobility in Traditional Chinese Society_. The basic point is
not the momentary economic or political power of such a family, but the
social status of the family (_Li-shih yen-chiu_, Peking 1955, No. 4, p.
122). The social status was, increasingly, defined and fixed by law
(Ch'ue T'ung-tsu).--The difference in the size of gentry and other
families has been pointed out by a number of scholars such as Fr. L. K.
Hsu, H. T. Fei, O. Lang. My own research seems to indicate that gentry
families, on the average, ma