ed was dated May 13, and was
officially printed in the _London Gazette_ on May 14.

In form and in substance the Proclamation of Neutrality did not differ
from customary usage[164]. It spoke of the Confederacy as "states
styling themselves the Confederate States of America," prohibited to
Englishmen enlistment on either side, or efforts to enlist others, or
equipment of ships of war, or delivery of commissions to such ships. War
vessels being equipped in British ports would be seized and forfeited to
the British Government. If a belligerent war-ship came into a British
port, no change or increase of equipment was to be permitted. If a
subject violated the Proclamation he was both punishable in British
courts and forfeited any claim to British protection. The Parliamentary
discussion on May 16 brought out more clearly and in general unanimity
of opinion the policy of the Government in application of the
Proclamation; the South was definitely recognized as a belligerent, but
recognition of independence was for the future to determine; the right
of the South to send out privateers was regretfully recognized; such
privateers could not be regarded as pirates and the North would have no
right to treat them as such, but if the North in defiance of
international opinion did so treat them, Great Britain had at least
warned its subjects that they, if engaged in service on a Southern
privateer, had no claim to British protection; a blockade of the South
to be respected must be effective at least to the point where a vessel
attempting to pass through was likely to be captured; the plan of
blockading the entire Southern coast, with its three thousand miles of
coast line, was on the face of it ridiculous--evidence that Members of
Parliament were profoundly ignorant of the physical geography of the
Southern seaboard[165].

The Parliamentary discussion did not reveal any partiality for one side
in the American quarrel above the other. It turned wholly on legal
questions and their probable application. On May 15 Russell sent to
Lyons the official text of the Proclamation, but did not instruct him to
communicate it officially to Seward, leaving this rather to Lyons'
discretion. This was discretionary in diplomatic usage since in strict
fact the Proclamation was addressed to British subjects and need not be
communicated officially to the belligerents. In the result the
discretion permitted to Lyons had, an important bearing, for recognit