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1913); I, 97 (Gerry), 109 (King); II, 73 (Wilson), 76 (Martin), 78 (Mason), 299 (Dickinson and Morris), 428 (Rutledge), 248 (Pinckney), 376 (Williamson), 28 (Sherman), 93 (Madison); III, 220 (Martin, in "Genuine Information"). The Federalist: Nos. 39 and 44 (Madison), Nos. 78 and 81 (Hamilton). Elliot's Debates (ed. of 1836), II, 1898-1899 (Ellsworth), 417 and 454 (Wilson), 336-337 (Hamilton); III, 197, 208, 431 (Randolph), 441 (Mason), 484-485 (Madison); IV, 165 (Davie). P.L. Ford, Pamphlets on the Constitution, 184 (Dickinson, in "Letters of Fabius"). Ford, Essays on the Constitution, 295 (Robert Yates, writing as "Brutus"). True these are only seventeen names out of a possible fifty-five, but they designate fully three-fourths of the leaders of the Convention, four of the five members of the Committee of Detail which drafted the Constitution (Gorham, Rutledge, Randolph, Ellsworth, and Wilson) and four of the five members of the Committee of Style which gave the Constitution final form (Johnson, Hamilton, Gouverneur Morris, Madison, and King). Against them are to be pitted, in reference to the question under discussion, only Mercer of Maryland, Bedford of Delaware, and Spaight of North Carolina, the record in each of whose cases is of doubtful implication. It should be noted, however, that there was later some backsliding. Madison's record is characteristically erratic. His statement in The Federalist No. 39 written probably early in 1788, is very positive: The tribunal which is to ultimately decide, in controversies relating to the boundary between the two jurisdictions, is to be established under the general government. Yet a few months later (probably October, 1788) he seemed to repudiate judicial review altogether, writing: "In the State Constitutions and indeed in the Federal one also, no provision is made for the case of a disagreement in expounding them; and as the Courts are generally the last in making the decision, it results to them by refusing or not refusing to execute a law, to stamp it with its final character. This makes the Judiciary Department paramount in fact to the Legislature, which was never intended and can never be proper." 5 Writings (Hunt ed.), 294. Yet in June, 1789, we find him arguing as follows in support of the proposals to amend the Constitution which led to the Bill of Rights: "If they are incorporated into the Constitution, independent tribunals of justice will consider themselves i
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