nt anti-militarist agitation already described. Further, Italy was
distracted by the earthquake at Messina, and armed intervention was not
to be expected from the Campbell-Bannerman Ministry. Bulgaria and
Roumania were pro-Austrian. Turkey alone could not hope to reconquer
Bosnia, and a Turco-Serb-Russian league was beyond the range of
practical politics. These material considerations decided the issue of
events. Towards the close of March, Kaiser William, the hitherto silent
backer of Austria, ended the crisis by sending to his ambassador at
Petrograd an autograph letter, the effect of which upon the Tsar was
decisive. Russia gave way, and dissociated herself from France, England,
and Italy. In consideration of an indemnity of L2,200,000 from Austria,
Turkey recognised the annexation. Consequently no Conference of the
Powers met even to register the _fait accompli_ in Bosnia. The Germanic
Empires had coerced Russia and Servia, despoiled Turkey, and imposed
their will on Europe. Kaiser William characteristically asserted that it
was his apparition "in shining armour" by the side of Austria which
decided the issue of events. Equally decisive, perhaps, was Germany's
formidable shipbuilding in 1908-9, namely, four _Dreadnoughts_ to
England's two, a fact which explains this statement of Buelow: "When at
last, during the Bosnian crisis, the sky of international politics
cleared, when German power on the Continent burst its encompassing
bonds, we had already got beyond the stage of preparation in the
construction of our fleet[526]."

[Footnote 526: Buelow, _Imperial Germany_, p. 99.]

The crisis of 1908-9 revealed in a startling manner the weakness of
international law in a case where the stronger States were determined to
have their way. It therefore tended to discourage the peace propaganda
and the social movement in Great Britain and France. The increased speed
of German naval construction alarmed the British people, who demanded
precautionary measures[527]. France and Russia also improved their
armaments, for it was clear that Austria, as well as Germany, intended
to pursue an active foreign policy which would inflict other rebuffs on
neighbours who were unprepared. Further, the Triple Entente had proved
far too weak for the occasion. True, France and England loyally
supported Russia in a matter which chiefly concerned her and Servia, and
her sudden retreat before the Kaiser's menace left them in the lurch.
Consequently,