to avoid war, why did he not agree to await the arrival
(on August 1) of the special envoy, Tatisheff, whom, on the night of
July 30, the Tsar had despatched to Berlin[556]? There is not a single
sign that the Berlin Government really feared "the Eastern Colossus,"
though statements as to "the eastern peril" were very serviceable in
frightening German Socialists into line.

[Footnote 556: German White Book, No. 23_a_; _J'accuse_, Section III. B,
pp. 153, 164 (German edit.), shows that the German White Book suppressed
the Tsar's second telegram of July 29 to the Kaiser, inviting him to
refer the Austro-Serb dispute to the Hague Tribunal. (See, too, J.W.
Headlam, _History of Twelve Days,_ p. 183.)]

The German ultimatum failed to cow Russia; and as she returned no
answer, the Kaiser declared war on August 1. He added by telegram that
he had sought, _in accord with England,_ to mediate between Russia and
Austria, but the Russian mobilisation led to his present action. In
reply to the German demand at Paris the French Premier, M. Viviani,
declared on August 1 at 1 P.M. that France would do that "which her
interests dictated"--an evasive reply designed to gain time and to see
what course Russia would take. The Kaiser having declared war on Russia,
France had no alternative but to come to the assistance of her Ally. But
the Kaiser's declaration of war against France did not reach Paris until
August 3 at 6.45 P.M.[557] His aim was to leave France and Belgium in
doubt as to his intentions, and meanwhile to mass overwhelming forces on
their borders, especially that of Belgium.

[Footnote 557: German White Book, Nos. 26, 27; French Yellow Book, No.
147.]

Meanwhile, on August 1, German officials detained and confiscated the
cargoes of a few British ships. On August 2 German troops violated the
neutrality of Luxemburg. On the same day Sir Edward Grey assured the
French ambassador, M. Paul Cambon, that if the German fleet attacked
that of France or her coasts, the British fleet would afford protection.
This assurance depended, however, on the sanction of Parliament. It is
practically certain that Parliament would have sanctioned this
proceeding; and, if so, war would have come about owing to the naval
understanding with France[558], that is, if Germany chose to disregard
it. But another incident brought matters to a clearer issue. On August
3, German troops entered Belgium, though on the previous day the German
ambassador had