ussia quite early on that same day ordered a similar
measure[551].

[Footnote 550: _Daily Telegraph_, July 25, 1914.]

[Footnote 551: _J'accuse_, pp. 134-5 (German edition). The partial
mobilisations of Austria and Russia earlier were intended to threaten
and protect Servia. The time of Austria's order for complete
mobilisation is shown in French Yellow Book, No. 115. That of Russia in
Austrian "Rotbuch," No. 52, and Russian Orange Book, No. 77.]

The procedure of Austria and Germany now claims our attention. The
policy of Count Berchtold, Austria's Foreign Minister, had generally
been pacific. On July 28 he yielded to popular clamour for war against
Servia, but only, it appears, because of his belief that "Russia would
have no right to intervene after receiving his assurance that Austria
sought no territorial aggrandisement." On July 30 and 31 he consented to
continue friendly discussions with Russia. Even on August 1 the Austrian
Ambassador at Petrograd expressed to the Foreign Minister, Sazonoff,
the hope that things had not gone too far[552]. There was then still a
hope that Sir Edward Grey's offer of friendly mediation might be
accepted by Germany, Austria, and Russia. But on August 1 Germany
declared war on Russia.

[Footnote 552: Austrian "Rotbuch," Nos. 50-56; British White Papers,
Miscellaneous (1914), No. 6 (No. 137), and No. 10, p. 3; French Yellow
Book, No. 120.]

It is well to remember that by her action in August 1913 she held back
Austria from a warlike policy. In July 1914 some of Germany's officials
knew of the tenor of the Austrian demands on the Court of Belgrade; and
her Ambassador at Vienna stated on July 26 that Germany knew what she
was doing in backing up Austria. Kaiser William, who had been on a
yachting cruise, hurriedly returned to Berlin on the night of July
26-27. He must have approved of Austria's declaration of war against
Servia on July 28, for on that day his Chancellor, Bethmann-Hollweg,
finally rejected Sir Edward Grey's proposal of a Peace Conference to
settle that dispute. The Chancellor then also expressed to our
Ambassador, Sir Edward Goschen, the belief that Russia had no right to
intervene in the Austro-Serb affair. The Austrian Ambassador at Berlin
also opined that "Russia neither wanted nor was in a position to make
war." This belief was widely expressed in diplomatic circles at Berlin.
Military men probably viewed matters from that standpoint; and in all
probability the