Once more the old question of the
danger to Americans traveling on belligerent vessels arose in an
aggravated form. The Administration was steadfast in upholding the
right of Americans to travel the seas when and whither they chose,
immune under international law from interference or menace on the part
of any belligerent power. Strong factions in Congress, in the face of
Germany's new decree, feared that the Administration's stand was
driving the country into certain war with Germany. Americans were
bound to be among the crews of passengers of the armed merchantmen
that Germany was determined to sink on sight, and this country had
already clearly indicated to Berlin what would happen if any fatality
befell them.

Hence, as mentioned in the previous volume of the history, a feverish
agitation developed in Congress for the passage of resolutions
forbidding Americans to travel on belligerent ships at all during the
war. German-American influences, especially congressional delegations
from districts, chiefly in the Middle West, where the German vote was
a decisive factor, assiduously fanned this movement, but there was a
scattered sentiment, wholly American at heart, and unallied with
pro-Germanism, which also held the view that Americans ought not to
jeopardize the peace of their country by traveling in belligerent
vessels. Resolutions pending in the House and Senate prohibiting them
from doing so had been pigeonholed in committee. President Wilson had
interposed, urging that no action be taken on them. He held that the
executive and legislature ought not to be at cross-purposes on a
question of foreign policy, and any antagonistic step by Congress
against the Administration would weaken the United States in the sight
of the world. The Congressional leaders, at heart opposed to the
President, reluctantly agreed that the two branches of the Government
should not be rent by divided counsels on such a dangerous issue as
the country's relations with Germany.

The President faced a critical and exasperating situation. He changed
his earlier view that Congress should not put itself in the position
of wrangling with the executive over the armed-merchantmen issue. If
divided counsels there were in Congress regarding his submarine
policy, let them now declare themselves, and let the stronger prevail!
Hence, instead of any longer desiring that the armed-merchantmen
resolutions should remain smothered in committee, he challenged th