es the
general proceedings of the executive for the past year. This message we
refer to our committees for consideration. But, according to the
doctrine of the Protest, they can express no opinion upon any executive
proceeding upon which it gives information. Suppose the President had
told us, in his last annual message, what he had previously told us in
his cabinet paper, that the removal of the deposits was _his_ act, done
on _his_ responsibility; and that the Secretary of the Treasury had
exercised no discretion, formed no judgment, presumed to have no opinion
whatever, on the subject. This part of the message would have been
referred to the committee on finance; but what could they say? They
think it shows a plain violation of the Constitution and the laws; but
the President is not impeached; therefore they can express no censure.
They think it a direct invasion of legislative power, but they must not
say so. They may, indeed, commend, if they can. The grateful business of
praise is lawful to them; but if, instead of commendation and applause,
they find cause for disapprobation, censure, or alarm, the Protest
enjoins upon them absolute silence.

Formerly, Sir, it was a practice for the President to meet both houses,
at the opening of the session, and deliver a speech, as is still the
usage of some of the State legislatures. To this speech there was an
answer from each house$ and those answers expressed, freely, the
sentiments of the house upon all the merits and faults of the
administration. The discussion of the topics contained in the speech,
and the debate on the answers, usually drew out the whole force of
parties, and lasted sometimes a week. President Washington's conduct, in
every year of his administration, was thus freely and publicly
canvassed. He did not complain of it; he did not doubt that both houses
had a perfect right to comment, with the utmost latitude, consistent
with decorum, upon all his measures. Answers, or amendments to answers,
were not unfrequently proposed, very hostile to his own course of public
policy, if not sometimes bordering on disrespect. And when they did
express respect and regard, there were votes ready to be recorded
against the expression of those sentiments. To all this President
Washington took no exception; for he well knew that these, and similar
proceedings, belonged to the power of popular bodies. But if the
President were now to meet us with a speech, and should inform