of intercourse,
a body politic is to be considered as one person; and indeed this
assertion is so far just, that different nations, as well as private
persons, require mutual assistance; at the same time that their
selfishness and ambition are perpetual sources of war and discord. But
though nations in this particular resemble individuals, yet as they are
very different in other respects, no wonder they regulate themselves by
different maxims, and give rise to a new set of rules, which we call the
laws of nations. Under this head we may comprize the sacredness of the
persons of ambassadors, the declaration of war, the abstaining from
poisoned arms, with other duties of that kind, which are evidently
calculated for the commerce, that is peculiar to different societies.

But though these rules be super-added to the laws of nature, the former
do not entirely abolish the latter; and one may safely affirm, that the
three fundamental rules of justice, the stability of possession, its
transference by consent, and the performance of promises, are duties
of princes, as well as of subjects. The same interest produces the same
effect in both cases. Where possession has no stability, there must be
perpetual war. Where property is not transferred by consent, there can
be no commerce. Where promises are not observed, there can be no leagues
nor alliances. The advantages, therefore, of peace, commerce, and
mutual succour, make us extend to different kingdoms the same notions of
justice, which take place among individuals.

There is a maxim very current in the world, which few politicians are
willing to avow, but which has been authorized by the practice of all
ages, that there is a system of morals cakulated for princes, much more
free than that which ought to govern private parsons. It is evident
this is not to be understood of the lesser extent of public duties and
obligations; nor will any one be so extravagant as to assert, that
the most solemn treaties ought to have no force among princes. For as
princes do actually form treaties among themselves, they must propose
some advantage from the execution of them; and the prospect of such
advantage for the future must engage them to perform their part, and
must establish that law of nature. The meaning, therefore, of this
political maxim is, that though the morality of princes has the same
extent, yet it has not the same force as that of private persons, and
may lawfully be trangresse