n of
slavery." On this point, however, we need not dwell, as we shall have
occasion to recur to it again when we come to consider the grounds and
reasons on which the institution of slavery is vindicated.

Having argued that the right of slavery, if it exist, implies the right
to shoot and murder an enlightened neighbor, with a view to reduce his
wife and children to a state of servitude, as well as to crush their
intellectual and moral nature in order to keep them in such a state, the
author adds, "If I err in making these inferences, I _err innocently_."
We have no doubt of the most perfect and entire innocence of the author.
But we would remind him that innocence, however perfect or _childlike_,
is not the only quality which a great reformer should possess.

Sec. IV. _The fourth fallacy of the abolitionist._

He is often guilty of a _petitio principii_, in taking it for granted
that the institution of slavery is an injury to the slave, which is the
very point in dispute. Thus says Dr. Wayland: "If it be asked when,
[slavery must be abandoned,] I ask again, when shall a man begin to
cease doing wrong? Is not the answer _immediately_? If a man is injuring
us, do we doubt as to the _time when_ he ought to cease? There is, then,
no doubt in respect to the time when we ought to cease inflicting injury
upon others."[143] Here it is assumed that slavery is an _injury_ to the
slave: but this is the very point which is denied, and which he should
have discussed. If a state of slavery be a greater injury to the slave
than a state of freedom would be, then are we willing to admit that it
should be abolished. But even in that case, not _immediately_, unless it
could be shown that the remedy would not be worse than the evil. If, on
the whole, the institution of slavery be a curse to the slave, we say
let it be abolished; not suddenly, however, as if by a whirlwind, but by
the counsels of wise, cautious, and far-seeing statesmen, who, capable
of looking both before and after, can comprehend in their plans of
reform all the diversified and highly-complicated interests of society.

"But it may be said," continues the author, "immediate abolition would
be the greatest possible injury to the slaves themselves. They are not
competent to self-government." True: this is the very thing which may
be, and which is, said by every Southern statesman in his advocacy of
the institution of slavery. Let us see the author's reply. "This is a