ooms and devotes his fellow-man,
because he finds him "guilty of a skin!" If his sensibilities were only
as soft as his philosophy is shallow, he would certainly cry, "Down with
the institution of slavery!" For how could he tolerate an institution
which has no other foundation than a difference of color? Indeed, if
such were the only difference between the two races among us, we should
ourselves unite with Mr. Seward of New York, and most "affectionately
advise all men to be born white." For thus, the only difference having
been abolished, all men would be equal in fact, and consequently
entitled to become equal in political rights, and power, and position.
But if such be not the only difference between the white and the black
man of the South, then neither philosophy nor paint can establish an
equality between them.

Every man, we admit, is a man. But this profound aphorism is not the
only one to which the political architect should give heed. An equality
of conditions, of political powers and privileges, which has no solid
basis in an equality of capacity or fitness, is one of the wildest and
most impracticable of all Utopian dreams. If in the divine government
such an equality should prevail, it is evident that all order would be
overthrown, all justice extinguished, and utter confusion would reign.
In like manner, if in human government such equality should exist, it
would be only for a moment Indeed, to aim at an equality of conditions,
or of rights and powers except by first aming at an equality of
intelligence and virtue, is not to reform--it is to demolish--the
governments of society. It is, indeed, to war against the eternal order
of divine Providence itself in which an immutable justice ever regins.
"It is this aiming after an equality," says Aristotle, "which is the
cause of seditions." But though seditions it may have stirred up, and
fierce passions kindled, yet has it never led its poor deluded victims
to the boon after which they have so fondly panted.

Equality is not liberty. "The French," said Napoleon, "love equality:
they care little for liberty." Equality is plain, simple, easily
understood. Liberty is complex, and exceedingly difficult of
comprehension. The most illiterate peasant may, at a glance, grasp the
idea of equality; the most profound statesman may not, without much care
and thought, comprehend the nature of liberty. Hence it is that
equality, and not liberty, so readily seizes the mind of