endeavored to show that they either rest on false assumptions, or
consist in false deductions. While engaged in this analysis of his
errors, we have more than once had occasion to remind him that the great
practical problem of slavery is to be determined, if determined at all,
not by an appeal to abstractions, but simply by a consideration of the
public good. It is under this point of view, or with reference to the
highest good of the governed, that we now proceed to consider the
institution of slavery.

The way is open and clear for this view of the subject. For we have
seen, we trust, that slavery is condemned neither by any principle of
natural justice, nor by any precept of divine revelation. On the other
hand, if we mistake not, it has been most clearly shown that the
doctrines and practices of the abolitionist are at war with the most
explicit words of God, as well as with the most unquestionable
principles of political ethics. Hence, without the least disrespect to
the eternal principles of right, we may now proceed to subject his
doctrines to the only remaining test of political truth, namely, _to the
test of experience_. Having examined the internal qualities of the tree
and found them bad, we may now proceed to inquire if "its fruits" be not
poison. And if the sober lessons of history, if the infallible records
of experience, be found in perfect harmony with the conclusions of
reason and of revelation, then shall we not be triply justified in
pronouncing abolitionism a social and a moral curse?

Sec. I. _The Question._

Here, at the outset, we may throw aside a mass of useless verbiage, with
which our inquiry is usually encumbered. We are eternally told that
Kentucky has fallen behind Ohio, and Virginia behind Pennsylvania,
because their energies have been crippled, and their prosperity
over-clouded, by the institution of slavery. Now, it is of no importance
to our argument that we should either deny the fact, or the explanation
which is given of it by abolitionists. If the question were, whether
slavery should be introduced among us, or into any non-slaveholding
State, then such facts and explanations would be worthy of our notice.
Then such an appeal to experience would be relevant to the point in
dispute. But such is not the question. We are not called upon to decide
whether slavery shall be established in our midst or not. This question
has been decided for us. Slavery--as every body knows--was force