e _Arabic_. Having done this, we
could then proceed to recall to the American Government their
oft-expressed original view of the freedom of the seas. As a matter
of fact, immediately after the settlement of the _Arabic_ incident,
Mr. Lansing sent a peremptory Note to England. But the prospect of
any favorable result for ourselves from this exchange of Notes was
never fulfilled, as our methods of war at sea always resulted in
fresh incidents and fresh conflicts. There was, of course, a second
possibility: that is, while persisting in the submarine campaign to
recognize that it was inevitably bound to lead to friction with
America, and to discount all the ensuing consequences.

Neither of these two courses was consistently followed in our policy.
We were for ever trying to square the circle, and to conduct a submarine
campaign which should be from a military point of view effective,
without at the same time leading to a breach with America. The order
that "liners" should not be torpedoed under any circumstances was
regarded simply as a piece of red tape, and not applicable to war
conditions, as the submarine was not in a position to distinguish
through its periscope between "liners" and other craft. We thus
contrived at one and the same time to cripple our submarines, and
yet to fail to give satisfaction to America. Probably the German
Government did not venture in face of public opinion in the country
to desist altogether from the use of submarines.

It has been said that "the freedom of the seas" was an unattainable
ideal, a mere phrase, a red herring drawn across our track; but
it was in reality none of these things. America attached to this
phrase a definite and concrete meaning; namely, the abolition of
the law of capture at sea, and I am convinced that after the World
War America will yet fall out with England over this question,
and will not rest till she has achieved her object. Certainly the
original sin of the United States against the spirit of neutrality
lay in the fact that she suffered the violation of her admitted
rights by England's interference with the reciprocal trade of the
neutral States. Messrs. Wilson and House often talked with me about
this matter of the law of capture at sea. It would be a complete
misconception of American policy to deny that in this phrase, "the
freedom of the seas," one of their dearest desires found expression.

When I informed Mr. Lansing confidentially at the end of Aug