consistent and inflexible
than any other. Luther's political ideas were bounded by the horizon of
the monarchical absolutism under which he lived. Zwingli's were
influenced by the democratic forms of his native country, which gave to
the whole community the right of appointing the governing body. Calvin,
independent of all such considerations, studied only how his doctrine
could best be realised, whether through the instrumentality of existing
authorities, or at their expense. In his eyes its interests were
paramount, their promotion the supreme duty, opposition to them an
unpardonable crime. There was nothing in the institutions of men, no
authority, no right, no liberty, that he cared to preserve, or towards
which he entertained any feelings of reverence or obligation.

His theory made the support of religious truth the end and office of the
State,[270] which was bound therefore to protect, and consequently to
obey, the Church, and had no control over it. In religion the first and
highest thing was the dogma: the preservation of morals was one
important office of government; but the maintenance of the purity of
doctrine was the highest. The result of this theory is the institution
of a pure theocracy. If the elect were alone upon the earth, Calvin
taught, there would be no need of the political order, and the
Anabaptists would be right in rejecting it;[271] but the elect are in a
minority; and there is the mass of reprobates who must be coerced by the
sword, in order that all the world may be made subject to the truth, by
the conquerors imposing their faith upon the vanquished.[272] He wished
to extend religion by the sword, but to reserve death as the punishment
of apostasy; and as this law would include the Catholics, who were in
Calvin's eyes apostates from the truth, he narrowed it further to those
who were apostates from the community. In this way, he said, there was
no pretext given to the Catholics to retaliate.[273] They, as well as
the Jews and Mohammedans, must be allowed to live: death was only the
penalty of Protestants who relapsed into error; but to them it applied
equally whether they were converted to the Church or joined the sects
and fell into unbelief. Only in cases where there was no danger of his
words being used against the Protestants, and in letters not intended
for publication, he required that Catholics should suffer the same
penalties as those who were guilty of sedition, on the ground that