noticed by Chalmers. There is a thorough coincidence between this view
and that of the sentimental Radicals. Southey observes that Malthus
(as interpreted by him) does not really answer Godwin. Malthus argues
that 'perfectibility' gives an impossible end because equality would
lead to vice and misery. But why should we not suppose with Godwin a
change of character which would imply prudence and chastity? Men as
they are may be incapable of equality because they have brutal
passions. But men as they are to be may cease to be brutal and become
capable of equality. This, indeed, represents a serious criticism.
What Malthus was really concerned to prove was that the social state
and the corresponding character suppose each other; and that real
improvement supposes that the individual must somehow acquire the
instincts appropriate to an improved state. The difference between him
and his opponents was that he emphasised the mischief of legislation,
such as that embodied in the poor-law, which contemplated a forcible
change, destroying poverty without raising the poor man's character.
Such a rise required a long and difficult elaboration, and he
therefore dwells mainly upon the folly of the legislative, unsupported
by the moral, remedy. To Godwin, on the other hand, who professed an
unlimited faith in the power of reason, this difficulty was
comparatively unimportant. Remove political inequalities and men will
spontaneously become virtuous and prudent.

Godwin accordingly, when answering Dr. Parr and Mackintosh,[427] in
1801, welcomed Malthus's first version of the essay. He declares it to
be as 'unquestionable an addition to the theory of political economy'
as has been made by any writer for a century past; and 'admits the
ratios to their full extent.'[428] In this philosophical spirit he
proceeds to draw some rather startling conclusions. He hopes that, as
mankind improves, such practices as infanticide will not be necessary;
but he remarks that it would be happier for a child to perish in
infancy than to spend seventy years in vice and misery.[429] He refers
to the inhabitants of Ceylon as a precedent for encouraging other
practices restrictive of population. In short, though he hopes that
such measures may be needless, he does not shrink from admitting their
possible necessity. So far, then, Godwin and Malthus might form an
alliance. Equality might be the goal of both; and both might admit the
necessity of change in chara