was
interpreted as implying the capitalist as distinguished from the
landowning point of view.
To Southey as to Chalmers the great evil of the day was the growth of
the disorganised populace under the factory system. The difference is
that while Chalmers enthusiastically adopted Malthus's theory as
indicating the true remedy for the evil, Southey regards it with
horror as declaring the evil to be irremediable. Chalmers, a shrewd
Scot actively engaged in parochial work, had his attention fixed upon
the reckless improvidence of the 'excrescent' population, and welcomed
a doctrine which laid stress upon the necessity of raising the
standard of prudence and morality. He recognised and pointed out with
great force the inadequacy of such palliatives as emigration,
home-colonisation, and so forth.[424] Southey, an ardent and impulsive
man of letters, with no practical experience of the difficulties of
social reform, has no patience for such inquiries. His remedy, in all
cases, was a 'paternal government' vigorously regulating society; and
Malthus appears to him to be simply an opponent of all such action.
Southey had begun the attack in 1803 by an article in the _Annual
Review_ (edited by A. Aikin) for which the leading hints were given by
Coleridge, then with Southey at Keswick.[425] In his letters and his
later articles he never mentions Malthus without abhorrence.[426]
Malthus, according to his article in the _Annual Review_, regards
'vice' and 'misery' as desirable; thinks that the 'gratification of
lust' is a 'physical necessity'; and attributes to the 'physical
constitution of our nature' what should be ascribed to the 'existing
system of society.' Malthus, that is, is a fatalist, a materialist,
and an anarchist. His only remedy is to abolish the poor-rates, and
starve the poor into celibacy. The folly and wickedness of the book
have provoked him, he admits, to contemptuous indignation; and Malthus
may be a good man personally. Still, the 'farthing candle' of
Malthus's fame as a political philosopher must soon go out. So in the
_Quarterly Review_ Southey attributes the social evils to the
disintegrating effect of the manufacturing system, of which Adam Smith
was the 'tedious and hard-hearted' prophet. The excellent Malthus
indeed becomes the 'hard-hearted' almost as Hooker was the
'judicious.' This sufficiently represents the view of the sentimental
Tory. Malthus, transformed into a monster, deserves the 'execrations'
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