ations of the country are intrusted by the Constitution to the lead
and management of the executive government. The President not only is
supposed to be, but usually is, much better informed on these
interesting subjects than the houses of Congress. If there be danger of
a rupture with a foreign state, he sees it soonest. All our ministers
and agents abroad are but so many eyes, and ears, and organs to
communicate to him whatsoever occurs in foreign places, and to keep him
well advised of all which may concern the interests of the United
States. There is an especial propriety, therefore, that, in this branch
of the public service, Congress should always be able to avail itself of
the distinct opinions and recommendations of the President. The two
houses, and especially the House of Representatives, are the natural
guardians of the people's money. They are to keep it sacred, and to use
it discreetly. They are not at liberty to spend it where it is not
needed, nor to offer it for any purpose till a reasonable occasion for
the expenditure be shown. Now, in this case, I repeat again, the
President had sent us no recommendation for any such appropriation; no
department had recommended it; no estimate had contained it; in the
whole history of the session, from the morning of the first day, down to
eight o'clock in the evening of the last day, not one syllable had been
said to us, not one hint suggested, showing that the President deemed
any such measure either necessary or proper. I state this strongly, Sir,
but I state it truly. I state the matter as it is; and I wish to draw
the attention of the Senate and of the country strongly to this part of
the case. I say again, therefore, that, when this vote for the three
millions was proposed to the Senate, there was nothing before us showing
that the President recommended any such appropriation. You very well
know, Sir, that this objection was stated as soon as the message from
the House was read. We all well remember that this was the very point
put forth by the honorable member from Tennessee,[3] as being, if I may
say so, the but-end of his argument in opposition to the vote. He said,
very significantly, and very forcibly, "It is not asked for by those who
best know what the public service requires; how, then, are we to presume
that it is needed?" This question, Sir, was not answered then; it never
has been answered since, it never can be answered satisfactorily.

But let me her