r the vote of the
Senate, and here I might rest it. But there is also another ground. The
Constitution declares that no money shall be drawn from the treasury but
in consequence of appropriations made by law. What is meant by
"_appropriations_"? Does not this language mean that particular sums
shall be assigned by law to particular objects? How far this pointing
out and fixing the particular objects shall be carried, is a question
that cannot be settled by any precise rule. But "specific
appropriation," that is to say, the designation of every object for
which money is voted, as far as such designation is practicable, has
been thought to be a most important republican principle. In times past,
popular parties have claimed great merit from professing to carry this
doctrine much farther, and to adhere to it much more strictly, than
their adversaries. Mr. Jefferson, especially, was a great advocate for
it, and held it to be indispensable to a safe and economical
administration and disbursement of the public revenues.

But what have the friends and admirers of Mr. Jefferson to say to this
_appropriation_? Where do they find, in this proposed grant of three
millions, a constitutional designation of object, and a particular and
specific application of money? Have they forgotten, all forgotten, and
wholly abandoned even all pretence for specific appropriation? If not,
how could they sanction such a vote as this? Let me recall its terms.
They are, that "the sum of three millions of dollars be, and the same is
hereby, appropriated, out of any money in the treasury not otherwise
appropriated, to be expended, in whole or in part, under the direction
of the President of the United States, for the military and naval
service, including fortifications and ordnance, and the increase of the
navy; provided such expenditures shall be rendered necessary for the
defence of the country prior to the next meeting of Congress."

In the first place it is to be observed, that whether the money shall be
used at all, or not, is made to depend on the discretion of the
President. This is sufficiently liberal. It carries confidence far
enough. But if there had been no other objections, if the objects of the
appropriation had been sufficiently described, so that the President, if
he expended the money at all, must expend it for purposes authorized by
the legislature, and nothing had been left to his discretion but the
question whether an emergency had