ongest title to sovereignty,
and is justly regarded as sacred and inviolable. But when these titles
are mingled and opposed in different degrees, they often occasion
perplexity; and are less capable of solution from the arguments of
lawyers and philosophers, than from the swords of the soldiery. Who
shall tell me, for instance, whether Germanicus, or Drufus, ought to
have succeeded Tiberius, had he died while they were both alive, without
naming any of them for his successor? Ought the right of adoption to be
received as equivalent to that of blood in a nation, where it had the
same effect in private families, and had already, in two instances,
taken place in the public? Ought Germanicus to be esteemed the eldest
son, because he was born before Drufus; or the younger, because he was
adopted after the birth of his brother? Ought the right of the elder to
be regarded in a nation, where the eldest brother had no advantage in
the succession to private families? Ought the Roman empire at that time
to be esteemed hereditary, because of two examples; or ought it, even
so early, to be regarded as belonging to the stronger, or the present
possessor, as being founded on so recent an usurpation? Upon whatever
principles we may pretend to answer these and such like questions, I
am afraid we shall never be able to satisfy an impartial enquirer, who
adopts no party in political controversies, and will be satisfied with
nothing but sound reason and philosophy.

But here an English reader will be apt to enquire concerning that famous
revolution, which has had such a happy influence on our constitution,
and has been attended with such mighty consequences. We have already
remarked, that in the case of enormous tyranny and oppression, it is
lawful to take arms even against supreme power; and that as government
is a mere human invention for mutual advantage and security, it no
longer imposes any obligation, either natural or moral, when once it
ceases to have that tendency. But though this general principle
be authorized by common sense, and the practice of all ages, it is
certainly impossible for the laws, or even for philosophy, to establish
any particular rules, by which we may know when resistance is lawful;
and decide all controversies, which may arise on that subject. This may
not only happen with regard to supreme power; but it is possible, even
in some constitutions, where the legislative authority is not lodged in
one person, that