only a little less hostile to him
than to me. It cannot but damp the pleasure of cordiality, when we
suspect that it is suspected. I cannot help thinking, that it is
impossible for Mr. Adams to believe that the state of my mind is what it
really is; that he may think I view him as an obstacle in my way. I have
no supernatural power to impress truth on the mind of another, nor he
any to discover that the estimate which he may form, on a just view
of the human mind as generally constituted, may not be just in its
application to a special constitution. This may be a source of private
uneasiness to us; I honestly confess that it is so to me at this time.
But neither of us is capable of letting it have effect on our public
duties. Those who may endeavor to separate us, are probably excited by
the fear that I might have influence on the executive councils: but when
they shall know that I consider my office as constitutionally confined
to legislative functions, and that I could not take any part whatever in
executive consultations, even were it proposed, their fears may perhaps
subside, and their object be found not worth a machination.

I do sincerely wish with you, that we could take our stand on a ground
perfectly neutral and independent towards all nations. It has been my
constant object through my public life: and with respect to the English
and French, particularly, I have too often expressed to the former
my wishes, and made to them propositions verbally and in writing,
officially and privately, to official and private characters, for them
to doubt of my views, if they would be content with equality. Of this
they are in possession of several written and formal proofs, in my own
hand-writing. But they have wished a monopoly of commerce and influence
with us; and they have in fact obtained it. When we take notice that
theirs is the workshop to which we go for all we want; that with them
centre either immediately or ultimately all the labors of our hands and
lands; that to them belongs either openly or secretly the great mass of
our navigation; that even the factorage of their affairs here, is kept
to themselves by factitious citizenships; that these foreign and false
citizens now constitute the great body of what are called our merchants,
fill our sea-ports, are planted in every little town and district of
the interior country, sway every thing in the former places by their
own votes, and those of their dependents, in the