ng
favorable to it is received from our Envoys. From them we hear nothing.
Yet it seems reasonably believed that the executive has heard, and that
it is something which would not promote their views of arming. For every
action of theirs shows they are panting to come to blows. Giles has
arrived.

My friendly salutations to Mrs. Madison. Adieu affectionately.

Th: Jefferson.

LETTER CCXXII.--TO JAMES MADISON, February 15, 1798

TO JAMES MADISON.

Philadelphia, February 15, 1798.

Dear Sir,

I wrote you last on the 8th. We have still not a word from our Envoys.
This long silence (if they have been silent) proves things are not
going on very roughly. If they have not been silent, it proves their
information, if made public, would check the disposition to arm. I had
flattered myself, from the progress of the public sentiment against
arming, that the same progress had taken place in the legislature. But
I am assured by those who have better opportunities of forming a good
judgment, that if the question against arming is carried at all, it will
not be by more than a majority of two: and particularly, that there will
not be more than four votes against it from the five eastern states, or
five votes at the utmost. You will have perceived that Dayton has gone
over completely. He expects to be appointed Secretary of War in the
room of M'Henry, who it is said will retire. He has been told, as report
goes, that they would not have confidence enough in him to appoint him.
The desire of inspiring them with more, seems the only way to account
for the eclat which he chooses to give to his conversion. You will have
seen the disgusting proceedings in the case of Lyon: if they would have
accepted even of a commitment to the Serjeant it might have been
had. But to get rid of his vote was the most material object. These
proceedings must degrade the General Government, and lead the people
to lean more on their State governments, which have been sunk under the
early popularity of the former. This day the question of the jury in
cases of impeachment comes on. There is no doubt how it will go. The
general division of the Senate is twenty-two and ten; and under the
probable prospect of what it will for ever be, I see nothing in the
mode of proceeding by impeachment but the most formidable weapon for the
purposes of dominant faction that ever was contrived. It would be the
most effectual one of getting rid of any man whom they co