y
that some of the State legislatures will take strong ground on this
occasion. For my own part, I consider those laws as merely an experiment
on the American mind, to see how far it will bear an avowed violation of
the constitution. If this goes down, we shall immediately see attempted
another act of Congress, declaring that the President shall continue in
office during life, reserving to another occasion the transfer of the
succession to his heirs, and the establishment of the Senate for life.
At least, this may be the aim of the Oliverians, while Monk and the
Cavaliers (who are perhaps the strongest) may be playing their game
for the restoration of his Most Gracious Majesty George the Third.
That these things are in contemplation, I have no doubt; nor can I be
confident of their failure, after the dupery of which our countrymen
have shown themselves susceptible.

You promised to endeavor to send me some tenants. I am waiting for them,
having broken up two excellent farms with twelve fields in them of forty
acres each, some of which I have sowed with small grain. Tenants of
any size may be accommodated with the number of fields suited to their
force. Only send me good people, and write me what they are. Adieu.

Yours affectionately,

Th: Jefferson.

LETTER CCXLII.--TO JOHN TAYLOR, November 26, 1798

TO JOHN TAYLOR.

Monticello, November 26, 1798,

Dear Sir,

We formerly had a debtor and creditor account of letters on farming: but
the high price of tobacco, which is likely to continue for some short
time, has tempted me to go entirely into that culture, and in the mean
time, my farming schemes are in abeyance, and my farming fields at nurse
against the time of my resuming them. But I owe you a political letter.
Yet the infidelities of the post-office and the circumstances of
the times are against my writing fully and freely, whilst my own
dispositions are as much against mysteries, innuendoes, and half
confidences. I know not which mortifies me most, that I should fear
to write what I think, or my country bear such a state of things. Yet
Lyon's judges, and a jury of all nations, are objects of national
fear. We agree in all the essential ideas of your letter. We agree
particularly in the necessity of some reform, and of some better
security for civil liberty. But perhaps we do not see the existing
circumstances in the same point of view. There are many considerations
_dehors_ of the State, which will o