only wish the real
principles of those who censure mine were also known. But warring
against those of the people, the delusion of the people is necessary
to the dominant party. I see the extent to which that delusion has been
already carried, and I see there is no length to which it may not
be pushed by a party in possession of the revenues and the legal
authorities of the United States, for a short time indeed, but yet long
enough to admit much particular mischief. There is no event, therefore,
however atrocious, which may not be expected. I have contemplated every
event which the Maratists of the day can perpetrate, and am prepared to
meet every one in such a way, as shall not be derogatory either to the
public liberty or my own personal honor. This letter-writer says, I am
'for peace; but it is only with France.' He has told half the truth. He
would have told the whole, if he had added England. I am for peace
with both countries. I know that both of them have given, and are
daily giving, sufficient cause of war; that in defiance of the laws
of nations, they are every day trampling on the rights of the neutral
powers, whenever they can thereby do the least injury, either to the
other. But, as I view a peace between France and England the ensuing
winter to be certain, I have thought it would have been better for us to
have continued to bear from France through the present summer, what we
have been bearing both from her and England these four years, and still
continue to bear from England, and to have required indemnification in
the hour of peace, when I verily believe it would have been yielded
by both. This seems to be the plan of the other neutral nations; and
whether this, or the commencing war on one of them, as we have done,
would have been wisest, time and events must decide. But I am quite at
a loss on what ground the letter-writer can question the opinion, that
France had no intention of making war on us, and was willing to treat
with Mr. Gerry, when we have this from Talleyrand's letter, and from the
written and verbal information of our Envoys. It is true then, that,
as with England, we might of right have chosen either war or peace, and
have chosen peace, and prudently in my opinion, so with France, we might
also of right have chosen either peace or war, and we have chosen war.
Whether the choice may be a popular one in the other States, I know not.
Here it certainly is not; and I have no doubt the whole Ameri