resolved to continue the war to the end,
and hail the probable continuance of the power of Mr. Lincoln
as the event most calculated to pledge the nation to a steady
continuance in its suicidal policy. But we are persuaded that
the people of this country view the prospect of another four
years of war in America with very different feelings. They
are not able to divest themselves of sympathy for a people of
their own blood and language thus wilfully rushing down the
path that leadeth to destruction[1230].
Sherman's capture of Atlanta did indeed make certain that Lincoln would
again be chosen President, but the _Times_ was more slow to acknowledge
its military importance, first hinting and then positively asserting
that Sherman had fallen into a trap from which he would have difficulty
in escaping[1231]. The _Gazette_ called this "blind partisanship[1232],"
but itself indulged in gloomy prognostications as to the character and
results of the Presidential election, regarding it as certain that
election day would see the use of "force, fraud and every mechanism
known to the most unscrupulous political agitation." "We confess," it
continued, "we are only so far affected by the struggle inasmuch as it
dishonours the Anglo-Saxon name, and diminishes its reputation for
justice and honour throughout the world[1233]." Again official England
was striking a note far different from that of the press[1234]. Adams
paid little attention to newspaper utterances, but kept his chief
informed of opinions expressed by those responsible for, and active in
determining, governmental policy. The autumn "season for speeches" by
Members of Parliament, he reported, was progressing with a very evident
unanimity of expressions, whether from friend or foe, that it was
inexpedient to meddle in American affairs. As the Presidential election
in America came nearer, attention was diverted from military events.
Anti-slavery societies began to hold meetings urging their friends in
America to vote for Lincoln[1235]. Writing from Washington, Lyons, as
always anxious to forestall frictions on immaterial matters, wrote to
Russell, "We must be prepared for demonstrations of a '_spirited foreign
policy_' by Mr. Seward, during the next fortnight, for electioneering
purposes[1236]." Possibly his illness made him unduly nervous, for four
days later he was relieved to be asked by Seward to "postpone as much as
possible all bu
|