t the present moment, that, if the United States
become involved in hopeless difficulties, it would be madness to lower
the qualification for the suffrage in England."
This pretended disclaimer of any essential relation between the American
struggle and British institutions was not long persisted in. A month
later the _Saturday Review_ was strong in contemptuous criticism of the
"promiscuous democracy" of the North[1330]. Less political journals
followed suit. The _Economist_ thought the people of England would now
be convinced of the folly of aping America and that those who had
advocated universal suffrage would be filled with "mingled alarm,
gratitude and shame[1331]." Soon W.H. Russell could write, while still
at Washington "... the world will only see in it all, the failure of
republican institutions in time of pressure as demonstrated by all
history--that history which America vainly thought she was going to set
right and re-establish on new grounds and principles[1332]." "The
English worshippers of American institutions," said the _Saturday
Review_, "are in danger of losing their last pretext for preferring the
Republic to the obsolete and tyrannical Monarchy of England.... It now
appears that the peaceable completion of the secession has become
impossible, and it will be necessary to discover some new ground of
superiority by which Mr. Buchanan or Mr. Lincoln may be advantageously
contrasted with Queen Victoria[1333]."
These expressions antedated the news of the actual opening of the war
and may be regarded as jeers at Bright and his followers rather than as
attempts to read a lesson to the public. No such expressions are to be
found in the letters of leading officials though minor ones occasionally
indulged in them[1334]. As late as June, 1861, Adams declared that while
some in England welcomed American disunion as a warning to their
countrymen it was evident that but a small number as yet saw the cause
of the North as identical with the world progress of free
institutions[1335]. Evidently he was disappointed that the followers of
Bright were not exhibiting more courage and demanding public support of
the North as fighting their battle at home. They were indeed strangely
silent, depressed no doubt by American events, and discouraged. It
required time also to arouse intensity of feeling on the American
question and to see clearly the issues involved. Aristocratic Britain
was first to declare a definite lesson
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