ould be claimed also by the South, the
one great argument of the North in appeal to England lay in the cry of
anti-slavery. But the leaders of the North denied its pertinence. Itself
unsympathetic with the emotions of emancipation societies at home, the
British Government settled down by the end of 1862 to a fixed policy of
strict neutrality.

In all this the Government but pursued that line which is the business
of Governments--the preservation of the prosperity and power of the
state. With the unexpected prolongation of the war and the British
recognition of the Northern "will to conquer" there came, as is evident
from a scrutiny of Russell's diplomatic tone and acts, a growing belief
that the North might after all succeed in its purpose, at least of
subjugating the South. This would mean the possibility of continuing
that policy of friendship for a united America which had been determined
upon in the 'fifties. Here was no special sympathy, but merely a cool
calculation of benefits to Great Britain, but there can be no question
that the general attitude of the Government by midsummer of 1863 was
distinctly favourable to a restored Union. A "friendly neutrality" began
to replace a "cold neutrality."

But it is the business of Governments not merely to guard national
interests and prosperity; they also must guard their own authority and
seek to remain in political power. Here emancipation, never greatly
stirring the leaders, whether Whig or Tory, exercised an increasing
pressure by the force of public approval. It made impossible any attempt
to overthrow the Ministry on the score of non-interference in America,
or of favouritism toward the North. It gave to an enthusiastic and
vociferous section of the British public just ground for strong support
of Lincoln and his cause, and in some degree it affected
governmental attitude.

There was, however, another question, much more vital than emancipation
in its relation to British home politics, that ran like a constant
thread through the whole pattern of British public attitude toward
America. It had always been so since the days of the American revolution
and now was accentuated by the American war. This was the question of
the future of democracy. Was its fate bound up with the result of that
war? And if so where lay British interest? Always present in the minds
of thoughtful Englishmen, appearing again and again through each
changing phase of the war, this question was