e him away if Washington should
fall. Lyons cannily decided such a step for himself inadvisable, since
it would irritate Seward and in case the unexpected happened he could no
doubt get passage on Mercier's ship. When news came of the Southern
defeat at Gettysburg and of Grant's capture of Vicksburg, Lyons thought
the complete collapse of the Confederacy an imminent possibility. Leslie
Stephen is a witness to the close relations of Seward and Lyons at this
time. He visited Washington about a month after Gettysburg and met
Seward, being received with much cordiality as a _verbal_ champion in
England of the North. (He had as yet published no signed articles on the
war.) In this conversation he was amused that Seward spoke of the
friendly services of "Monkton Mill," as a publicist on political
economy. (Maitland, _Leslie Stephen_, p. 120.)]

[Footnote 1102: In this issue a letter from the New York correspondent,
dated July 1, declared that all of the North except New England, would
welcome Lee's triumph: "... he and Mr. Jefferson Davis might ride in
triumph up Broadway, amid the acclamations of a more enthusiastic
multitude than ever assembled on the Continent of America." The New York
city which soon after indulged in the "draft riots" might give some
ground for such writing, but it was far fetched, nevertheless--and New
York was not the North.]

[Footnote 1103: Hansard, 3rd Ser., CLXXII, 661 _seq_. Ever afterwards
Roebuck was insistent in expressions of dislike and fear of America. At
a banquet to him in Sheffield in 1869 he delivered his "political
testament": "Beware of Trades Unions; beware of Ireland; beware of
America." (Leader, _Autobiography and Letters of Roebuck_, p. 330.)]

[Footnote 1104: May 31, 1864, Lindsay proposed to introduce another
recognition motion, but on July 25 complained he had had no chance to
make it, and asked Palmerston if the Government was not going to act.
The reply was a brief negative.]

[Footnote 1105: The _Times_, July 18, 1863.]

[Footnote 1106: The power of the _Times_ in influencing public opinion
through its news columns was very great. At the time it stood far in the
lead in its foreign correspondence and the information printed
necessarily was that absorbed by the great majority of the British
public. Writing on January 23, 1863, of the mis-information spread about
America by the _Times_, Goldwin Smith asserted: "I think I never felt so
much as in this matter the enormous po