two millions this session, for the
defense of Portugal. Nay, even in the treaty with the Prince Regent of
Portugal, there is an article which stipulates that we shall not make
peace with France unless Portugal shall be restored to the house of
Braganza. And has the Prince of Brazil's religion been considered
evidence of his connection with the enemy? You have not one ally who is
not Catholic; and will you continue to disqualify Irish Catholics, who
fight with you and your allies, because their religion is evidence of
disaffection?
But if the Catholic religion be this evidence of repugnance, is
Protestantism the proof of affection to the Crown and government of
England? For an answer, let us look at America. In vain did you send
your armies there; in vain did you appeal to the ties of common origin
and common religion. America joined with France, and adopted a
connection with a Catholic government. Turn to Prussia, and behold
whether her religion has had any effect on her political character. Did
the faith of Denmark prevent the attack on Copenhagen? It is admitted on
all sides that the Catholics have demonstrated their allegiance in as
strong a manner as the willing expenditure of blood and treasure can
evince. And remember that the French go not near so far in their defense
of Catholicism, as you in your hatred of it in your own subjects and
your reverence for it in your allies. They have not scrupled to pull
down the ancient fabrics of superstition in the countries subjected to
their arms. Upon a review of these facts, I am justified in assuming
that there is nothing inherent in Catholicism which either proves
disaffection, or disqualifies for public trusts. The immediate inference
is that they have as much right as any dissentient sect to the enjoyment
of civil privileges and a participation of equal rights; that they are
as fit morally and politically to hold offices in the State or seats in
Parliament. Those who dispute the conclusion will find it their duty to
controvert the reasoning on which it is founded. I do not believe the
Church is in any danger; but if it is, I am sure that we are in a wrong
way to secure it. If our laws will battle against Providence, there can
be no doubt of the issue of the conflict between the ordinances of God
and the decrees of man: transient must be the struggle, rapid the event.
Let us suppose an extreme case, but applicable to the present point:
Suppose the Thames were to inunda
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