ave sent it to the different legislatures, not for their
confirmation, but to submit it to the people; not in conformity to their
own resolution, but in conformity to the resolution of the Convention made
and provided in that case.(53) Was it, then, from the face of the
foregoing facts, the intention of Congress, and of this and the other
states, that the essence of our present national government should be
annihilated, or that it should be retained and only have an increase of
substantial necessary powers? Congress, sensible of this latter principle,
and that the Convention had taken on themselves a power which neither they
nor the other states had a right to delegate to them, and that they could
not agree to and approve of this consolidated system, nor the states
confirm it--have been silent on its character; and although many have dwelt
on their unanimity, it is no less than the unanimity of opinion that it
originated in an assumption of power, which your voice alone can sanctify.
This new government, therefore, founded in usurpation, is referred to your
opinion as the origin of power not heretofore delegated, and, to this end,
the exercise of the prerogative of free examination is essentially
necessary; and yet you are unhesitatingly to acquiesce, and if you do not,
the American Fabius, if we may believe Caesar is to command an army to
impose it. It is not my view to rouse your passions. I only wish to excite
you to, and assist you in, a cool and deliberate discussion of the
subject, to urge you to behave like sensible freemen. Think, speak, act,
and assert your opinions and rights--let the same good sense govern you
with respect to the adoption of a future system for the administration of
your public affairs that influenced you in the formation of the present.
Hereafter I do not intend to be diverted by Caesar, or any other. My object
is to take up this new form of national government--compare it with the
experience and opinions of the most sensible and approved political
authors--and to show that its principles, and the exercise of them, will be
dangerous to your liberty and happiness.

CATO.

Cato, III.

The New York Journal, (Number 2138)

THURSDAY, OCTOBER 25, 1787.

TO THE CITIZENS OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK:

In the close of my last introductory address, I told you that my object in
the future would be to take up this new form of national government, to
compare it with the experience and opinions