d, from which we
have taken our model of legislation, is briefly this: before the
institution of legislating by deputies, the whole free part of the
community usually met for that purpose; when this became impossible, by
the increase of numbers, the community was divided into districts, from
each of which was sent such a number of deputies as was a complete
representation of the various numbers and orders of citizens within them;
but can it be asserted with truth, that six men can be a complete and full
representation of the numbers and various orders of the people in this
state? Another thing that may be suggested against the small number of
representatives is, that but few of you will have a chance of sharing even
in this branch of the legislature; and that the choice will be confined to
a very few. The more complete it is, the better will your interests be
preserved, and the greater the opportunity you will have to participate in
government, one of the principal securities of a free people; but this
subject has been so ably and fully treated by a writer under the signature
of Brutus,(54) that I shall content myself with referring you to him
thereon, reserving further observations on the other objections I have
mentioned, for my future numbers.

CATO.

Cato, VI.

The New York Journal, (Number 2163)

THURSDAY, DECEMBER 16, 1787.

For the New York Journal, &c.

_To the_ PEOPLE _of the_ STATE _of_ NEW YORK.

The next objection that arises against this proffered constitution is,
that the apportionment of representatives and direct taxes are unjust. The
words, as expressed in this article, are "representatives and direct taxes
shall be apportioned among the several states which may be included in
this union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be
determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those
bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed,
three-fifths of all other persons." In order to elucidate this, it will be
necessary to repeat the remark in my last number, that the mode of
legislation in the infancy of free communities was by the collective body,
and this consisted of free persons, or those whose age admitted them to
the right of mankind and citizenship, whose sex made them capable of
protecting the state, and whose birth may be denominated Free Born; and no
traces can be found that ever women, children, and slaves, or those who
were no