s, and not enough to do service
in the ranks of science. We have some exceptions, indeed. I presented
one to you lately, and we have some others. But the terms I use are
general truths. I hope the necessity will, at length, be seen of
establishing institutions here, as in Europe, where every branch of
science, useful at this day, may be taught in its highest degree. Have
you ever turned your thoughts to the plan of such an institution? I
mean to a specification of the particular sciences of real use in
human affairs, and how they might be so grouped as to require so many
professors only, as might bring them within the views of a just but
enlightened economy? I should be happy in a communication of your ideas
on this problem, either loose or digested. But to avoid my being run
away with by another subject, and adding to the length and ennui of
the present letter, I will here present to Mrs. Adams and yourself, the
assurance of my constant and sincere friendship and respect.

Th: Jefferson.

LETTER CXX.--TO COLONEL MONROE, January 1, 1815

TO COLONEL MONROE.

Monticello, January 1, 1815.

Dear Sir,

Your letters of November the 30th and December the 21st have been
received with great pleasure. A truth now and then projecting into the
ocean of newspaper lies, serves like headlands to correct our course.
Indeed, my scepticism as to every thing I see in a newspaper, makes me
indifferent whether I ever see one. The embarrassments at Washington, in
August last, I expected would be great in any state of things; but they
proved greater than expected. I never doubted that the plans of the
President were wise and sufficient. Their failure we all impute, 1.
To the insubordinate temper of Armstrong: and, 2. To the indecision of
Winder. However, it ends well. It mortifies ourselves, and so may check,
perhaps, the silly boasting spirit of our newspapers, and it enlists the
feelings of the world on our side: and the advantage of public opinion
is like that of the weather-gage in a naval action. In Europe, the
transient possession of our Capital can be no disgrace. Nearly every
Capital there was in possession of its enemy some often and long. But
diabolical as they paint that enemy, he burnt neither public edifices
nor private dwellings. It was reserved for England to show that
Bonaparte, in atrocity, was an infant to their ministers and their
generals. They are taking his place in the eyes of Europe, and have
turned into